The House of Representatives rules for the 118th Congress was passed on Monday night in a 220-213 primarily party-line vote, with Texas GOP Rep. Tony Gonzales joining all the Democrats in voting against the measure. These rules will govern how the House will operate for the next two years. The post below by Robert Romano explains why that positive vote was crucial:
Kevin McCarthy (R-Calif.) has been elected as the 55th Speaker of the House of Representatives, a position he secured based on a robust rules package that includes a new Church Committee that will be based as a subcommittee of the Judiciary Committee being headed by U.S. Rep. Jim Jordan (R-Ohio) to investigate documented abuses by the Justice Department, intelligence and other federal agencies that have spied on, infiltrated and even censored political campaigns, organizations, and individuals.
But that rules package — which also includes separate investigations into the Covid pandemic, its origins, funding gain of function research of novel coronaviruses in China, including at the Wuhan virology lab, and the policies to enforce broad economic lock-downs, vaccines, and other mandates that infringed on the civil liberties of the American people and another panel on the China tech threat — when it was passed the package was the first and most crucial test as Speaker.
To secure McCarthy’s position as Speaker, he had to promise 20 holdouts a broad range of concessions that allowed members to offer more legislation amendments or allow a single member in the majority to motion to vacate the chair. More conservative members are being allowed onto the crucial House Rules Committee to give every member a chance to get up or down votes on crucial issues.
Contrary to conventional wisdom, these concessions have empowered rather than weakened McCarthy and the new House GOP majority—and fulfilling McCarthy’s promise to the entire conference on the rules package is essential to him keeping his position and the delicate balance of power been constructed.
In 2022, Republicans won just a nine-seat majority, 222 to 213, after picking up nine seats on top of the other 13 they picked up in 2020 (it was 14 until special elections for open seats happened in 2022) riding on former President Donald Trump’s coattails. A swing of just five votes — as in the House Speaker election — can tilt the floor back to Democrats on any given issue.
This is why now is the time for Republicans to unite or die—for the very two-party system, or mixed government that the American people voted for in 2022 depends on this critical oversight to begin what began as a top-secret investigation by the Obama administration Department of Justice and intelligence agencies of the opposition party—the Trump campaign and the Republican Party—in the 2016 election that falsely accused Trump of being a Russian agent.
An excellent way to do that is to look at the laws that authorized the botched investigation, including Dec. 2023, all but certain reauthorization of part of the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act (FISA). The broader law allows for surveillance of U.S. citizens even if they have not committed any crime on suspicion that they might be foreign agents or perhaps in contact with foreign agents, even if it turns out to be made up.
To make the accusation, as happened with the Trump campaign beginning in Oct. 2016, the FBI and the Justice Department had to give the FISA Court a “statement of the facts and circumstances relied upon by the applicant to justify his belief that… the target of the electronic surveillance is a foreign power or an agent of a foreign power….”
The application to the FISA Court stated, “The target of this application is Carter W. Page, a U.S. person, and an agent of a foreign power… The status of the target was determined in or about October 2016 from information provided by the U.S. State Department….”
In part, those allegations relied on the Clinton campaign and DNC-financed Christopher Steele dossier that there was a “well-developed conspiracy” by Russia and the Trump campaign to hack the DNC and give their emails to Wikileaks.
But they also stated as part of the justification for that interference in the Trump campaign that Russia was attempting to convince the Trump campaign to not send weapons to Ukraine and to instead recognize Russia’s annexation of Crimea in Ukraine, telling the FISA Court that the Trump campaign “worked behind the scenes to make sure [the Republican] platform would not call for giving weapons to Ukraine to fight Russian and rebel forces” stating Trump “might recognize Crimea as Russian territory and lift punitive U.S. sanctions against Russia,” citing news reports.
The Justice Department also included an Aug. 2016 Politico story highlighting Trump’s positions on Ukraine, including his suggestion the people of Crimea preferred to live in Russia and his doubts that the territories Russia had seized could be reclaimed suggested without World War III, which Trump was running against on the campaign trail as much as Hillary Clinton.
At a Harrisburg, Pennsylvania, Politico quoted Trump saying a military conflict to take back Crimea would risk nuclear war: “You wanna go back? …You want to have World War III to get it back?” And it quoted Trump on ABC’s “This Week” suggesting the people of Crimea supported Russian annexation: “The people of Crimea, from what I’ve heard, would rather be with Russia than where they were.” This was Trump’s anti-war position in 2016 that helped him secure narrow wins in Pennsylvania, Michigan, and Wisconsin and an Electoral College majority against Hillary Clinton, who he often called a war-monger.
So, that was the predicate before the FISA Court: A foreign power was allegedly attempting to influence the candidate, Trump, via campaign volunteers like Page but also hired help like Manafort, to simply recognize Russia’s claims to Ukraine’s sovereign territories to avert war.
During the convention, Paul Manafort was campaign chairman, swiftly removed by Trump after the New York Times non-coincidentally ran an erroneous hit piece in Aug. 2016 stating he had corrupt dealings in Ukraine, with a supposed ominous sounding “black ledger.” Manafort was the campaign manager of deposed former Ukrainian President Viktor Yanukovych when he was first elected in 2010. He also helped Gerald Ford secure the Republican nomination on the floor against Ronald Reagan in 1976 and then helped Reagan do the same thing in 1980. In 2016, Trump tapped him to win the convention by ensuring Trump delegates he won in the primaries would vote for him on the floor.
Page was similarly removed from the campaign when a Sept. 2016 news story appeared alleging, falsely as it turned out, he was a Russian agent.
Ultimately, former Special Counsel Robert Mueller found there was no Trump campaign conspiracy with Russia to hack the DNC and give the emails to Wikileaks. According to Mueller’s final report to the Attorney General, “the evidence was not sufficient to charge that any member of the Trump Campaign conspired or coordinated with representatives of the Russian government to interfere in the 2016 election.”
The report added, “In particular, the Office did not find evidence likely to prove beyond a reasonable doubt that Campaign officials such as Paul Manafort, George Papadopoulos, and Carter Page acted as agents of the Russian government — or at its direction, control or request — during the relevant time period.”
Manafort was brought up on unrelated tax and bank fraud charges. Cohen has his own set of problems, but being a Russian agent is not one of them. Per the Mueller report, “Cohen had never traveled to Prague….” And so, he could not have been meeting with Russian intelligence officials there. We knew that as early as Jan. 2017 when Buzzfeed published the dossier and Cohen showed his passport, saying he had never been to the Czech Republic.
As for Page, he was never charged with anything. A footnote attempted to justify the issuance of the FISA warrants against him, stating, per Mueller, “On four occasions, the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Court (FISC) issued warrants based on a finding of probable cause to believe that Page was an agent of a foreign power. 50 U.S.C. §§ 1801(b), 1805(a)(2)(A). The FISC’s probable-cause finding was based on a different (and lower) standard than the one governing the Office’s decision whether to bring charges against Page, which is whether admissible evidence would likely be sufficient to prove beyond a reasonable doubt that Page acted as an agent of the Russian Federation during the period at issue. Cf United States v. Cardoza, 713 F.3d 656, 660 (D.C. Cir. 2013) (explaining that probable cause requires only ‘a fair probability,’ and not ‘certainty, or proof beyond a reasonable doubt, or proof by a preponderance of the evidence’).”
Remarkably, it seems the Justice Department knew there was no conspiracy with Russia as early as 2017, as was revealed by Justice Department Inspector General Michael Horowitz, certainly by the time Mueller was appointed, but who kept the shameful inquiry going for another two years.
The FBI finally contacted former British spy Christopher Steele’s sources after the surveillance had already been renewed once, in Jan. 2017. According to the inspector general report, once the primary source Steele used was contacted, “the Primary Sub-source made statements during his/her January 2017 FBI interview that were inconsistent with multiple sections of the Steele reports, including some that were relied upon in the FISA applications. Among other things, regarding the allegations attributed to Person 1, the Primary Sub-source’s account of these communications, if true, was not consistent with and, in fact, contradicted the allegations of a ‘well-developed conspiracy’….” Their case had collapsed. But on and on it went. Why?
As Congress considers FISA reauthorization, it must consider the only reasons we learn about any of this is because classified information was revealed to the public, in almost every case, via legal processes initiated by executive branch officials, including the Attorney General and the President.
There is the exceptional case of Buzzfeed, which published the Steele dossier in Jan. 2017 via First Amendment-protected journalism. Steele and the Democrats were so anxious to shop the Russiagate story everywhere that they had distributed the dossier to major news outlets throughout the country. It was a gift to the American people, as it would have required a declassification process to get at it.
Otherwise, the Trump administration completed all these disclosures, acquiescing to Congressional requests for information and Judicial Watch’s Freedom of Information Act (FOIA) request.
For example, the Justice Department Inspector General investigation by Michael Horowitz was only ever undertaken “in response to requests from the Attorney General and Members of Congress,” according to the Inspector General’s March 28, 2018 statement.
The Attorney General ordered the Mueller report and included its declassification process. Portions of the Mueller report remain heavily redacted.
Much the same for the released transcripts of his phone calls between former National Security Advisor Michael Flynn and Russian Ambassador Sergei Kislyak on December 23, 2016, December 29, 2016, and December 31, 2016 that showed Flynn engaging with Kislyak to stop a dangerous escalation in U.S.-Russian relations from occurring during the presidential transition of 2016 after the election were only ever revealed “[i]n response to bipartisan requests regarding the LTG Michael Flynn (Retired) transcripts” and were declassified by former President Donald Trump in 2020, according to the Director of National Intelligence’s Office.
Flynn was similarly removed as National Security Advisor after the calls were non-coincidentally leaked to the Washington Post in Jan. 2017.
Yet more disclosures have been derived from the appointment of Special Counsel John Durham by former Attorney General William Barr. To the extent that we’re learning anything new from the prosecution of Igor Danchenko — for example, Steele was offered $1 million by the FBI to corroborate his allegations that former President Donald Trump was a Russian agent — is from court filings containing information that heretofore were classified.
To get this information out there required a President first having been targeted by FISA and then being so infuriated that he has sought to relentlessly expose the history of how the law was abused to the public. The crown jewel of that effort was on the day before he left Office, former President Trump declassified a trove of documents related to the Justice Department’s botched investigation of Trump that falsely accused him and his 2016 presidential campaign of being Russian agents.
In the memorandum, entitled “Memorandum on Declassification of Certain Materials Related to the FBI’s Crossfire Hurricane Investigation,” Trump outlined how the materials were presented to him to be declassified: “At my request, on December 30, 2020, the Department of Justice provided the White House with a binder of materials related to the Federal Bureau of Investigation’s Crossfire Hurricane investigation. Portions of the documents in the binder have remained classified and have not been released to Congress or the public. I requested the documents so that a declassification review could be performed and so I could determine to what extent materials in the binder should be released in unclassified form. I determined that the materials in that binder should be declassified to the maximum extent possible.”
But not before the FBI complained about the need for redactions, with Trump granting the redactions: “In response, and as part of the iterative process of the declassification review, under a cover letter dated January 17, 2021, the Federal Bureau of Investigation noted its continuing objection to any further declassification of the materials in the binder and also, based on a review that included Intelligence Community equities, identified the passages that it believed it was most crucial to keep from public disclosure. I have determined to accept the redactions proposed for continued classification by the FBI in that January 17 submission.”
The Trump memorandum continued, “I hereby declassify the remaining materials in the binder. This is my final determination under the declassification review and I have directed the Attorney General to implement the redactions proposed in the FBI’s January 17 submission and return to the White House an appropriately redacted copy.”
That redacted copy was never returned to the White House as ordered. In May, former Trump administration official Kash Patel said he witnessed the declassification himself in a phone interview with Breitbart.com but that the documents remained unaltered and had retained their classified markings: “The White House counsel failed to generate the paperwork to change the classification markings, but that doesn’t mean the information wasn’t declassified. I was there with President Trump when he said, ‘We are declassifying this information.'”
And the Biden Administration Justice Department led by Attorney General Merrick Garland never complied with the Trump memorandum either, Senate Judiciary Committee Ranking Member Chuck Grassley (R-Iowa) and Sen. Ron Johnson (R-Wis.) revealed in a February 15, 2022 letter to Garland. It was a follow-up to an Oct. 2021 letter on the same complaints about the lack of disclosure.
These appear to be the same documents the FBI raided from Trump’s residence in Palm Beach, Fla., Mar-a-Lago, on August 8. On Truth Social, on August 12, Trump noted that “it was all declassified,” referring to the documents seized.
Thanks to the disclosures of political enemies of the state being investigated by the secret police, public opinion of the FBI and the Justice Department, especially among Republicans, is at an all-time low. And the more we learn, the lower that opinion will become.
The Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act of 1978 was adopted to prevent unconstitutional domestic spying. A select committee headed by Sen. Frank Church (D-Idaho) convened in 1975 to get to the bottom of revelations by Seymour Hersh’s explosive report to the New York Times on December 22, 1974, that the CIA had been engaged a mass, domestic surveillance program against anti-war protestors, members of Congress and other political figures.
On NBC’s Meet the Press on August 17, 1975, Church, who had led the committee, warned, “If this government ever became a tyranny, if a dictator ever took charge in this country, the technological capacity that the intelligence community has given the government could enable it to impose total tyranny, and there would be no way to fight back because the most careful effort to combine together in resistance to the government, no matter how privately it was done, is within reach of the government to know. Such is the capability of this technology….”
Church added, “I don’t want to see this country ever go across the bridge. I know the capacity that is there to make tyranny total in America, and we must see to it that this agency and all agencies that possess this technology operate within the law and under proper supervision so that we never cross over that abyss. That is the abyss from which there is no return.”
The committee led to the adoption of the law, which sought to reform how intelligence is gathered and the limited circumstances it can be used in the U.S.
Sadly, FISA has become a rubber stamp, and an instrument of not merely political surveillance but of one-party rule and even has been used to push the U.S. closer to nuclear war with Russia, which we are now on the apparent brink of. As for the surveillance in the U.S., it was clearly targeted at Trump and Republicans and is rotten to the core. Disclosure is what it fears the most because that is the only way to stop it.
And disclosure is what Congress should demand of the declassified Russiagate papers, which it should absolutely subpoena so it can conduct public oversight of this system’s abuses. The American people have a right to know how much the Justice Department and the FBI interfere with our elections. Without these particular documents, it might be impossible to reform this system.
But without these rules, which dramatically strengthened Speaker McCarthy’s hand to not only get to the bottom of the permanent state’s political manipulations but to hold President Joe Biden and his administration accountable, these reforms would not be possible. Since taking office, Biden has gone even further with abusive prosecutions of Republicans, even raiding Trump’s home, not to mention the censorship by the FBI’s Foreign Influence Task Force and the Department of Homeland Security’s Cybersecurity and Infrastructure Security Agency of Republicans and conservatives on social media.
Because this is not merely about getting revenge on Trump or his supporters — although that certainly is a central feature of the reign of terror that began in 2016 just because Trump had the audacity and courage to run against this — but it is a push for a tyrannical one-party system with little to no opposition.
You know, the one, the American people, sent Republicans to Washington, D.C., to break in half. It’s time to let Speaker McCarthy and U.S. Rep. Jordan get to work. There is not a moment to lose.
